A Condensed Version of: Properties of Empire by Garet Garrett.
Compiled and Edited by Dr. Jimmy T. (Gunny) LaBaume
The Lost Terrain. Part I. 1952.
America committed to Empire by Executive Government one step at a time and this sequence of events seems to be irreversible. The President, the State Department, the globalists and oneworlders are all saying that it is impossible to alter the course.
But, if it were possible, what would it take for the people to recover their sovereign rights? Of the lost terrain, what would they have to recapture?
Subsequent parts of this chapter deal with answering those questions.
Part II. 1952.
To regain the first height of the terrain we have lost, the people must learn again to think for themselves—a kind of self-awakening needed because thinking has been laid under a spell. Once the mind is liberated, it is easy see through the fog of propaganda and it becomes clear that there is an alternative course.
Herbert Hoover pointed to it when, in 1950, he said: “… the prime obligation of Western Continental Europe rests upon the nations of Europe … America cannot create their spiritual forces; we cannot buy them with money.” But, these words were lost on the propagandized American mind. Hoover was seen as an isolationist back from the grave.
Then in 1951 General Mac-Arthur said: “… Our potential in human and material resource, in alignment with the rest of the Americas, is adequate to defend this hemisphere against any threat from any power or any association of powers.” Then, in “Foreign Policy for Americans,” Senator Taft said “…we are completely able to defend the United States itself.” The spell-bound American mind hardly noticed the contradiction—if the hemisphere is invulnerable, then why do we have to defend America overseas? Why are we so reliant on allies?
The Pentagon plotted an alternative course but would not disclose it on the grounds that disclosure would not be in the public interest. Should it not be for the people to say what they will defend and how they will defend it? Should the people not have a choice as to whether to save the United States or save the whole world? If so, why should the government withhold the necessary military information? Whose property is it, the government’s or the people’s? Granted, strategy must be secret but we are speaking of national policy, not strategy.
Part III. 1952.
The second height of lost terrain to be regained is public debate of foreign policy. How was that lost? No battle was fought for it. The government simply seized it. Now, the President dictates foreign policy and the people must accept it without debate.
In a 1951 speech Harry Truman said, in effect: “When the people voted for Harding in 1920, we turned our backs on the new-born League of Nations. But, the people now recognize that they chose the wrong course. The people I have chosen to fill foreign policy positions have been picked without regard to party labels because I want to keep our foreign policy out of domestic politics.” This extraordinary statement was absent mindedly received by the American mind because it was infatuated by the phrase, bi-partisan foreign policy.
What the President really said was that, because the people once voted wrong on foreign policy, they should not be allowed to vote on it at all any more—just leave it to the President. The only logical outcome of such reasoning is that the people no longer have anything to say about war and peace.
Foreign policy must once more be debated by the people who may have to die for it. Until this portion of the terrain is regained, any discussion of domestic policy will be pointless because the very fate of the republican form of government is at stake.
Part IV. 1952.
The next height to be retaken is control of the public purse.
Until that happens Executive Government cannot be tamed. Up until the Roosevelt Revolution no popular prerogative was so jealously guarded. Granted, the people have not always managed the purse well. But the difference is that, no matter how badly they manage, the public purse cannot control them. However, in the hands of the government the purse becomes the single most powerful instrument of executive policy.
Part V. 1952.
The next height to be conquered is occupied by the evil serpent of inflation. Its effect is to cause people to become economic alcoholics. It afflicts them with the delusion that they can get rich by destroying the value of money.
This serpent’s food is irredeemable paper money. Sound money is its poison. Its life is immortal. Victory cannot be unconditional. A guard will have to be left and then someone sent to watch the guard.
Part VI. 1952
All positions on the lost terrain must be stormed and captured but the last is the highest of them all—the enemy that is within yourself.
You must face up to the fact that the cost of saving the Republic may be extremely high. In fact, it could be as high as the cost of setting it up in the first place—back when the love of liberty was a passion and people were willing to die for it.
When Moses brought his people near to the Promised Land he sent out scouts. They returned to say: “The only thing is, this land is inhabited by very fierce men.” But then Moses said: “Come. Let us fall upon them and take the land. It is ours from the Lord.”
And Garrett concludes: “No doubt the people know they can have their Republic back if they want it enough to fight for it and to pay the price. The only point is that no leader has yet appeared with the courage to make them choose.”
(Editor’s Note: And things have not changed [except for the worse] since 1952.)
To be continued:
The Essence of Liberty Volume I: Liberty and History chronicles the rise and fall of the noble experiment with constitutionally limited government. It features the ideas and opinions of some of the world’s foremost contemporary constitutional scholars. This is history that you were not taught at the mandatory government propaganda camps otherwise known as “public schools.” You will gain a clear understanding of how America’s decline and decay is really nothing new and how it began almost immediately with the constitution. Available in both paperback and Kindle versions.
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